《近代史研究》2006年第3期
2020-10-07 17:36:38   来源：中国社会科学院近代史研究所    点击：

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　　一、中文目录

　　1924年《中俄协定》与中俄旧约废止问题——以〈密件议定书〉为中心的探讨  唐启华(1)

　　1928至1937年《大公报》等报刊对中苏关系认识的演变  陈廷湘(23)

　　“兴亚会”与戊戌庚子间的中日民间结盟  桑 兵(41)

　　论有贺长雄与民初宪政的演变  张学继(54)

　　日本外务省与1933年中的华北危局——以应对黄郛北上为中心  陈群元(76)

　　海军大臣载洵访美与中美海军合作计划  崔志海(92)

　　1910—1911年的东北大鼠疫及朝野应对措施 焦润明(106)

　　南京国民政府初期的基层司法实践问题——对同期四川南充地区诉讼案例的分析  吴 燕 (125)

　　清季督抚文案与文案处考略  关晓红(140)

　　“近代中国的城市·乡村·民间文化”学术研讨会综述  吕文浩(151)

　　书讯《天国的陨落——太平天国宗教再研究》

　　二、中文内容提要

　　1924年《中俄协定》与中俄旧约废止问题——以〈密件议定书〉为中心的探讨　　唐启华(台湾政治大学历史系教授)

　　[内容提要]1917年俄国革命后，两次发表对华宣言，自愿废除不平等旧约，平等对待中国。北京政府虽不愿立即承认苏联，但乘机清理旧俄在华条约特权。中苏谈判时，苏方坚持无条件建交后，再开会议订定新约取代旧约，北京政府则担心中俄会议不一定会有结果，坚持要立即废止旧约。最后双方妥协，在1924年《中俄协定》中，以《密件议定书》规定：新约未订定前，旧约概不施行。后来中俄会议虽经召开，但未获致具体成果，使得中俄旧约处于虽未废止，但不施行的含混状态。北京政府在移交俄国使馆及其他有关交涉中，均坚持中俄旧约已废，并持续推动其“修约外交”。

　　[关键词]修约外交|中俄协定|密件议定书|加拉罕

　　1928—1937年《大公报》等报刊对中苏关系认识的演变　　陈廷湘(四川大学历史文化学院教授)

　　[内容提要] 1928年国民党统一中国后，特别是中东路事件发生后，由于受到1927年中苏关系因革命问题而破裂的影响，《大公报》等报刊均站在政府一边，把政治意识视为中苏关系的决定因素，把反赤等同于反苏。“九·一八”以后，随着日本侵略的不断加深，中苏在国际关系中的共同利益日渐显现，舆论逐步放弃政治意识中心观，转为以是否符合国家利益为处理中苏关系的根本原则。但在此同时，舆论又出现了亲苏倾向。这种要么为仇敌、要么为亲邦的观念极易导致国际交往中利益原则的偏离，对中国对外关系事务产生了极其深远的影响。

　　[关键词]中苏关系|舆论|政治意识|国家权益

　　“兴亚会”与戊戌庚子间的中日民间结盟　　桑兵(中山大学孙中山研究所教授)

　　[内容提要]1898年成立的上海亚细亚协会，是在日本各派对华团体逐渐合流以及中国各种趋新势力谋求联合的背景下，中日双方民间结盟的产物。随着日本对华人士的认识趋同，组织分别也相应模糊，一些重要人物人同时参与多个团体的发起筹建，甚至担任不同组织的领导。因此，部分中国人士和舆论，更愿意称这类团体为“兴亚会”，视为中日民间人士联合挽救危局并进而振兴东亚的联盟，而不仅仅是日本某个对华团体的海外分支。由于亚细亚协会已现颓势，东亚会、尤其是同文会的产生，很大程度是为了取代亚细亚协会作为中日联盟组织架构的地位，所以不约而同地将活动重心放在上海。白岩龙平和宗方小太郎等人的上海乙未同志会，在这一转换过程中起了至关重要的作用。在他们的影响下，中国人士逐渐将结盟的对象转到东亚同文会。后者利用原来各个对华团体的组织和人脉资源，更加全面深入地介入南方各地的反清密谋，并力图促成联合大举。

　　[关键词]亚细亚协会|上海|中日民间结盟

　　论有贺长雄与民初宪政的演变　　张学继(浙江省社会科学院历史研究所研究员)

　　[内容提要]有贺长雄在袁世凯扼杀共和民主制度，一步步走向专制独裁，乃至复辟帝制的过程中所发挥了不可忽视的独特作用。他完全抹杀辛亥革命推翻清朝封建专制统治的历史事实，杜撰所谓的“国权授受说”，从根本上否定《中华民国临时约法》所确立的“国民主权说”，并以此作为袁世凯抛弃民主共和制度，复辟帝制的法理依据。民国二年后宪政体制的演变就是在有贺长雄杜撰的这个理论指导下进行的。有贺长雄的言行体现了当时日本帝国政府对华政策和意志，他名义上是中国国家元首聘请的法律顾问，但实际上扮演着“阴谋政治家”的不光彩角色。

　　[关键词]有贺长雄|国权授受说|君主立宪|阴谋政治家

　　日本外务省与1933年中的华北危局——以应对黄郛北上为中心　　陈群元(日本国立筑波大学人文社会科学研究所政治经济学专攻博士)

　　[内容提要]在塘沽协定缔结之前，日本外务省内部对于中日关系应如何发展出现了意见分歧。这些意见，随着黄郛奉国民政府之命北上处理时局而具体显现出来。在与此事务相关的驻华外交官中，有吉明公使主张应透过支持黄郛，来达成与国民政府的和解并进而与其合作。然而一等书记官中山详一等人则大致接受关东军的主张，认为应在华北成立一个实质上脱离国民政府控制的政权。初采模糊立场的内田康哉外相，其立场大致倾向于中山等人。他最终否决了有吉的构想，并试图与国民政府签订一个政治协定。此一过程具体显现了当时外务省内部在对华外交构想上存在着分歧，以及其对华强硬派常占上风的历史事实。

　　[关键词]塘沽协定|黄郛|有吉明|内田康哉|中日关系

　　海军大臣载洵访美与中美海军合作计划　　崔志海(中国社会科学院近代史研究所研究员、复旦大学历史系博士生)

　　[内容提要]1910年清朝海军大臣载洵访美和1911年中美海军合作计划，是晚清海军史和中美关系史上的一件大事。这一事件具体揭示了在塔夫脱政府“金元外交”政策的指导下，美国的在华势力和影响不但在铁路和财政金融领域获得重大突破，而且也渗透到长期受欧洲和日本影响的军事领域;同时也表明随着东亚国际格局的变化，清政府在军事上开始改变以往一味依赖欧洲和日本的政策，转而寻求美国的合作与支持，将美国视为依赖的主要对象，体现了当时清政府意欲与美国结盟的外交意图。

　　[关键词]载洵|塔夫脱|金元外交|中美海军

　　1910-1911年的东北大鼠疫及朝野应对措施　　焦润明(辽宁大学历史文化学院教授)

　　[内容提要] 1910-1911年间发生在中国东北的鼠疫，给中国北方人民的生命财产造成了巨大灾难。面对灾难，清政府及各地方当局、士绅已充分认识到“防则生不防则死”的道理，积极采取各种防疫应对措施。从中央到地方组建各级防疫组织，颁布各种防疫法规，实施具体的防疫措施，如推行火葬、制定严格的疫情报告制度和查验隔离制度，加强与世界各国的防疫合作，召开国际防疫研究会等。舆论界也积极进行防疫宣传，民间人士还积极筹措防疫款项。这些应对措施在很大程度上有效地避免了鼠疫灾难的进一步蔓延。

　　[关键词]近代东北|鼠疫|应对措施

　　南京国民政府初期的基层司法实践问题——对四川南充地区诉讼案例的分析　　吴 燕(四川大学历史文化学院博士生、电子科技大学人文学院副教授)

　　[内容提要]20世纪30年代中期，南京国民政府在法制现代化的进程中已取得了一些成就，制定出一些近现代化的法律，但落实到基层司法个案的审理，却谈不上什么法制现代化和法制国家建设，这一过渡时期，也出现了难以一言蔽之的涉共案件。本文主要通过对这些案件的分析来说明那段时期县级司法的状况。

　　[关键词]司法|诉讼|案件、

　　清季督抚文案与文案处考略　　关晓红(中山大学历史系教授)

　　[内容提要]有清一代，行省最高权力中心督抚衙门的行政运作和结构演变，经历了从私人性质的非正式组织，至正规行政体制建构的重要转变，其过程至少应分为幕府、文案处和幕职三个阶段。其间文案委员与文案处的出现与发展，经历了道咸同光四朝，显示了清季督抚权力上升，中央控制力下移的趋势。这一变化过程表明，清末政制的转型，决非单纯移植西方制度，而是社会变动与实际需求内在潜因促动下，逐渐突破旧有规制束缚，部分借鉴原有体制中的其他形式，以表达新的政治诉求，不断导致职能转变与内容更新的结果。

　　[关键词]督抚|幕府|文案委员|文案处|幕职

　　“近代中国的城市·乡村·民间文化”学术研讨会综述　　吕文浩

　　书讯

　　《天国的陨落——太平天国宗教再研究》

　　三、英文目录提要

　　Modern Chinese History Studies

　　No.3, 2006

　　The Sino-Soviet Agreement of 1924 and the Argument over the Annulment of Old Treaties: Centered on the Secret Protocol Tang Qihua (1)

　　After the October Revolution the Soviet government issued two manifestos to China, promising to abolish all unequal treaties and treat China equally. The Peking government, though unwilling to recognize the Soviet Union immediately, took advantage of the opportunity to get rid of Russia’s old treaty privileges. During the Sino-Soviet negotiations, the Soviets insisted on unconditional diplomatic recognition before negotiating any new treaties to replace the old ones. The Peking government, on the other hand, doubted that the Sino-Soviet conference would achieve good results, so they insisted on abolishing the old treaties immediately. In the end, the two parties reached a compromise and added a secret protocol to the Sino-Soviet Agreement. The protocol states that pending the conclusion of new treaties all the old treaties would not be enforced. Though the Sino-Soviet conference was held later, it did not produce any concrete results. This left the old Sino-Russian treaties in an ambiguous state of being neither abolished nor enforced. In the process of turning over the Russian embassy and in other relevant negotiations, the Peking government always maintained that the old Sino-Russian treaties had been abolished and steadily pushed forward in its “treaty revision diplomacy.”

　　The Evolution of Dagong Bao and other Newspapers and Periodicals’ Perception of Sino-Soviet Relations, 1928-1837 Chen Tingxiang (23)

　　After the Guomindang reunified China in 1928, and particularly after the Zhongdong Railway Incident, Dagong Bao and other Newspapers and Periodicals were influenced by the Sino-Soviet split over revolutionary issues, and sided with the government on Sino-Soviet relations. They regarded political ideas as the decisive factor in Sino-Soviet relations and equated being Anti-Communist with being Anti-Soviet. As the Japanese aggression intensified after the September Eighteenth Incident, China and the Soviet Union’s common interests in international relations gradually became clearer. Little by little, public opinion gave up its focus on political ideology and turned to national interest as the basic principle for dealing with Sino-Soviet relations. However, at the same time a pro-Soviet tendency appeared in public opinion. This oscillation between two extremes of friendliness and enmity encouraged a divergence between interests and principles in international relations, and exerted a profound and lasting influence on China’s foreign affairs.

　　Societies for Rejuvenating Asia and Sino-Japanese Non-Governmental Alliances, 1898-1900 Sang Bing (41)

　　The Shanghai Asian Association, established in 1898, was the product of a Sino-Japanese non-governmental alliance formed against the backdrop of the gradual confluence of various Japanese groups concerned with Chinese affairs, and a search for unity on the part of all kinds of Chinese radical forces. As the views of Japanese concerned with Chinese affairs converged, the differences between organizations became blurred. Some important figures backed the formation of multiple societies, or even took positions of leadership in different organizations. For this reason, one sector of China’s people and public opinion preferred to call these kinds of groups “Societies for Rejuvenating Asia,” regarding them not as mere branches of particular Japanese organizations, but as alliances between the people of China and Japan uniting together to resolve the current crisis and rejuvenate East Asia. Because the Asian Association was already showing signs of decline, the establishment of the East Asian Society, and particularly of the Common Culture Association was intended largely to replace the Asian Association as the organizational framework of the Sino-Japanese alliance. For this reason, the associations naturally focused on Shanghai. The Shanghai 1895 Comrades’ Society, built by Shiraiwa Ryuhei, Munakata Kotaro and others played a vital role in the transition process. Under their influence, the Chinese gradually turned towards the East Asian Common Culture Association as their ally. Taking advantage of the organizational and personnel resources of previous groups concerned with Chinese affairs, the Society was more comprehensively and deeply involved in anti-Qing plots in Southern China and worked to promote a united uprising.

　　Ariga Nagao and the Evolution of Constitutional Politics in Early Republican China Zhang Xueji (54)

　　Ariga Nagao played a peculiar role in Yuan Shikai’s strangulation of the republican democratic system and steady movement towards dictatorship and finally restoring imperial rule. Ariga completely ignored the historical facts of the 1911 Revolution’s overthrow of the Qing Dynasty’s feudal autocratic rule, and fabricated a theory that “the Qing transferred national authority to Yuan”, which fundamentally denies the theory that “national authority belongs to the people” set forth in the Provisional Constitution. Ariga took his theory as the legal basis for Yuan Shikai to abandon the democratic republican system and restore imperial rule. After 1913, the constitutional political system was developed in accordance with the theory concocted by Ariga. His words and deeds reflected the Japanese imperialist government’s policies and ambitions toward China. Nominally he was a legal advisor employed by China’s head of state, but in fact he played the most inglorious role of a “conspiratorial politician.”

　　Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the 1933 North China Crisis：centered on the responses to Huang Fu's mission Chen Qunyuan (76)

　　Before the conclusion of the Tanggu Truce, there was a divergence of opinion among officers of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs over the future of Sino-Japanese relations. The divergence became more conspicuous after the Nationalist Government appointed Huang Fu to settle issues in North China. Among Japanese diplomats in China, Ambassador Ariyoshi Akira advocated supporting Huang Fu in order to reach an amicable agreement with the Nationalist government, and thereby improve cooperation between the two countries. However First Secretary Nakayama Shoichi and others generally accepted the Kwangtung Army’s position that an effectively independent government should be set up in North China. Foreign Minister Uchida Yasuya held an ambiguous stance at first, but he generally inclined toward the Nakayama group. In the end, he vetoed Ariyoshi’s ideas and tried to sign a political agreement with the Nationalist government. This process is a concrete demonstration of the existence of a divergence of opinion over relations with China inside the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs at the time, as well as the historical reality that the hardliners more often than not gained the upper hand.

　　Navy Minister Zaixun’s Visit to America and the Sino-American Naval Cooperation Plan Cui Zhihai(92)

　　The Plague in Northeast China from 1910 to 1911 and Measures Adopted by the Government and the Public Jiao Runming (106)

　　Grass-roots Judicial Practices during the Early Period of the Nanjing Nationalist Government: An Analysis of Cases in the Nanchong District, Sichuan Wu Yan (125)

　　The Secretaries and Secretarial Offices of Governors and Governor-Generals in the Qing Dynasty Guan Xiaohong (140)

　　Seminar on “Modern Chinese Urban, Rural and Folk Culture” Lü Wenhao (151)

责任编辑：国强 最后更新：2021-05-30 19:45:10

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