《近代史研究》2006年第5期
2020-10-21 10:50:32 来源：中国社会科学院近代史研究所 点击：
一、中文目录
抗日战争时期宪政运动若干问题的再研究 闻黎明(11)
建国前夕中共创建石家庄民众参政机构的实践 李国芳 (27)
历史人类学与近代区域社会史研究 黄国信 温春来 吴滔(46)
不要在“假设”上浪费时间 朱宗震(61)
新视野下的中国共产主义运动起源研究—— 石川祯浩著《中国共产党成立史》评介 李丹阳、刘建一(65)
2005年中国近代史研究综述 虞和平(71)
2005年中国近代史论著目录 近代史研究所图书馆 (92)
二、中文内容提要
对共和体制的失望：梁济之死 罗志田（北京大学历史学系教授）
［内容提要］在很多国人寄予希望的1918年秋，前清京官梁济却选择以自杀警示国人。他看到的社会大问题是实行不久的共和体制不仅未能改善社会风气，反而使之恶化，有可能因“国性不存”而“国将不国”。梁济对其为何要“殉清”的解释体现出比同时代许多人更清醒的国家意识，而他对一些民初社会问题的观察和分析也相当深刻。然而，当时社会对他的自杀反应并不强烈，主要报道局限在报纸的戏剧和余兴版面；而少数作出反应的知识精英也未曾充分认识到梁济思想的重要，这一状况要到后来他更多遗著出版才有所改变。
［关键词］梁济|共和体制|新文化运动|民国初年|社会问题
抗日战争时期宪政运动若干问题的再研究 闻黎明（中国社会科学院近代史研究所研究员）
［内容提要］抗日战争时期的宪政运动，是中国现代史上争取政治民主化的重要组成部分，学术界曾推出过许多研究成果。不过，某些与宪政运动直接相关的问题，似乎或缺乏足够重视，或有待进一步探讨。本文对1939年与1943年前后两次宪政运动的实际发起因素、不同的争取重点、获得的有形成果三个方面进行了重新分析。在此基础上对目前宪政运动研究提出个人认识：第一，最早在国民参政会上提出实施宪政的提案，并非迄今认为的发起第一次宪政运动的七提案，只是由于七提案合并讨论，方形成共同发起宪政运动的既成事实。第二，第一次宪政运动的成果，虽然包括宪政思想宣传与宪政观念普及，但唯一的有形成果则是体现西方议会模式的“期成宪草”。第三，第二次宪政运动虽与联合政府运动有承继关系，但它不仅独立存在，而且也取得了三项成果，需要给予承认并加以客观评价。这三个问题关系到抗日战争时期宪政运动的完整性，因此也是今后这一研究中需要重视与补充的。
［关键词］宪政运动|期成宪草|言论自由|身体自由|预算初审权
建国前夕中共创建石家庄民众参政机构的实践 李国芳（中共中央党校中共党史教研部讲师）
［内容提要］在中共筹建新的中央政府的大背景下，遵照刘少奇的指示，石家庄市以试行临时参议会为开端，最终越过各界代表会阶段，确定了“人民代表会议”的城市民众参政形式。1949年4月，石家庄市以阶级分析为基础，采用民主程序，直接选举产生了该市第一次人民代表会议的代表。1949年7至8月，在全国城市中首次以“人民代表会议”的名义，召开了会议，选举了新的政府委员会。但在中共中央看来，类似于石家庄市的经验和做法在当时条件下却无法实施，加以受斯大林关于通过普选取得新政权合法性建议的影响，中共中央正式区分了“人民代表会议”与“人民代表大会”两个概念。在此情况下，石家庄市第一次人民代表会议只能属于“各界代表会议”的范畴。
［关键词］中共|石家庄市|选举|人民代表会议|人民代表大会
历史人类学与近代区域社会史研究 黄国信、温春来、吴滔（均为中山大学
历史学与人类学的结合产生了历史人类学。对于历史学而言，历史人类学是一种研究方式与研究趋向，它借用了人类学田野调查的研究方法，注重研究对象的“历史性”，注重保持与研究对象的疏离感，并且从田野中直接获取研究材料，形成一种既强调时间与过程，也重视空间与结构，既讲究史料的分析考辨与校释，也注重“参与体验”和历史现场感，并强调分析各阶层、团体的不同历史表达的历史研究趋向。这一趋向强调区域的历史建构过程，强调研究者不能拘泥于僵化的时间及地理界限，而应以人为中心，以问题为中心，打破“国家—地方”、“普遍性知识—--地方性知识”、“大传统—--小传统”之类的二元对立，进而发展近代区域社会史研究。广东中山小榄菊花会以及清末民初江南地方自治是两个可以用来说明历史人类学与近代区域社会史研究关系的案例。
不要在“假设”上浪费时间 朱宗震（中国社会科学院近代史研究所研究员）
运用“假设”来探索未知领域，是有价值的，对于历史研究，用于探索历史运动的复杂性，也是有价值的。但如果运用假设去证明另一条历史道路的可能性，由于历史运动的复杂性，基本上是徒劳的。当代中国学者总希望去证明改良道路的可能性，其实，中国近代史上有着许多次走改良道路的机会，都没有成功。我们能一次次地证明他们成功的可能性吗？我们可以有许许多多的假设，又为什么只是去证明改良道路成功的可能性？只能说那是一种主观愿望。如果学者把时间用在这些假设的证明上，我们什么时候去研究真实的历史？听听美国学者周锡瑞的意见：“我所感兴趣的是如何尽量客观地理解运动的源流、时代背景、发生的原因以及运动发展的逻辑性。”我们不要再在假设上浪费时间。
新视野下的中国共产主义运动起源研究—— 石川祯浩著《中国共产党成立史》评介 李丹阳、刘建一（旅英中国历史学者）
在中国共产党成立80周年前夕，东瀛日本出版了石川祯浩撰写的《中国共产党成立史》（岩波书店2001年版）。这部专著是治学严谨的
2005年中国近代史研究综述 虞和平（中国社会科学院近代史研究所研究员）
2005年，中国近代史研究继续稳步发展，并显示出两大热点，一是随着2004年中央《关于进一步繁荣发展哲学社会科学的意见》的贯彻，马克思主义理论研究和建设工程的正式启动，史学理论研究出现良好势头；二是因纪念中国抗日战争暨世界反法西斯战争胜利60周年，使抗战史成为突出的研究课题。还有三个特点值得注意，一是重视实证研究；二是重视制度史研究；三是重视新视角的开拓。本文以各学科择要分而述之。
2005年中国近代史论著目录 近代史研究所图书馆
三、英文目录提要
Morern Chinese History Studies No.5, 2006
Disappointment with the Republican System: The Death of Liang Ji Luo Zhitian (1)
In the autumn of 1918, during a time of hope for many Chinese people, the former Qing Dynasty mandarin Liang Ji chose to commit suicide as a warning to his compatriots. In his eyes, the big social problem of the time was that the recently implemented Republican system not only had failed to improve social morality, but rather was making it worse, so that China’s crisis of national identity might well lead to a crisis of national survival. Liang Ji’s explanation of why he wanted to die for the Qing Dynasty shows that he had a more clear-headed national consciousness than most people at the time, and his observation and analysis of a number of early Republican social problems was also very incisive. However, society did not react strongly to his suicide at the time. The main newspaper reports of his death were confined to the drama and variety sections, and the handful of intellectual elites who reacted to his death did not fully realize the importance of Ling Ji’s thought. This situation did not change until more of his works were published posthumously.
A Re-Examination of Several Issues Concerning the Constitutional Government Movement during the Resistance War against Japan Wen Liming (11)
The constitutional government movement during the Resistance War against Japan was an important part of the modern Chinese effort to democratize politics. Academics have published many articles and books on the subject. However, some problems directly related to the constitutional government movement seem to have not been adequately stressed, or are in need of further study. This article re-analyzes and compares the actual driving factors, different objectives and visible results of the two constitutional government movements in 1939 and 1943, and accordingly presents my own views on current studies of the constitutional government movement: First, the seven motions which hitherto have been regarded in academic circles as the origins of the first constitutional government movement were in fact not the first proposals for implementing constitutional government put forward during the National Participating Conference. Rather, it was the discussion of these seven motions as a unit that provided the spark to set off the constitutional government movement, which was already an inevitability. Second, although the achievements of the first constitutional government movement included promoting constitutional ideology and spreading the idea of constitutional government, its only tangible result was the “recommended draft constitution” which embodied the Western parliamentary model. Third, although the second constitutional government movement was indeed the successor of the united government movement, nevertheless it not only had an independent existence, but also achieved three positive results of its own. The second movement must be given recognition and an objective assessment. Future research in this area should give more attention to these three issues, for they have implications for the integrity of the constitutional government movement during the Resistance War against Japan.
The Chinese Communist Party’s Implementation of Organs for Mass Participation in Political Affairs in Shijiazhuang before the Establishment of the People’s Republic of China Li Guofang (27)
Against the background of the CCP’s preparations for establishing a central government, and following Liu Shaoqi’s directions, the city of Shijiazhuang started experimenting with a temporary council, and skipping over the “conference of class representatives” stage, finally established the “people’s representative conference” as its form of mass political participation. In April 1949, based on class analysis and adopting a democratic agenda, the city directly elected representatives to the city’s first “People’s Representative Conference”. Shijiazhuang’s “People’s Representative Conference” met in July to August 1949—the first council of this name to be held in any city in the nation—and selected a new governmental committee. However, in the view of the Central Committee of the CCP, experiences and practices such as those of Shijiazhuang could not be implemented under the prevailing conditions at the time. With the addition of the influence of Stalin’s suggestions about the legality of new governments produced through general election, the Central Committee of the CCP formally differentiated between the two concepts of “people’s representative conference” and “people’s congress”. In this context, Shijiazhuang’s first people’s representative conference could only be assigned to the category of “conference of class representatives.”
Historical Anthropology and Modern Regional Social History Huang Guoxin, Wen Chunlai, Wu Tao (46)
The marriage of historiography and anthropology gave birth to historical anthropology. For historians, historical anthropology is a research approach and research trend: it adopts anthropology’s field research methods, and emphasizes the historicity of the research subject; it tries to keep a distance from the research subject, and makes every effort to collect materials directly from the field. On this basis, it forms a research trend stressing time and process as well as space and structure; attaching importance to the analysis, examination, selection and interpretation of historical data; emphasizing “participatory experience” and a sense of historical presence, and also stressing the analysis of the different expressions of all classes and organizations. This trend stresses the historical formation process of regions, and stresses that researchers should not be constrained by rigid limits of time and space, but rather take human beings as the center of their research, and problems as its basis, to break dualistic opposites of “state vs. locality”, “general knowledge vs. local knowledge”, “big traditions vs. small traditions”, and so on, and to further develop modern regional social history. Two cases—the chrysanthemum festival of Xiaolan Town, Zhongshan County, Guangdong Province, and local self-government in the Jiangnan region in the late Qing and early Republican periods—can be used to illustrate the relationship between historical anthropology and modern regional social history.
Don’t Waste Time on “What Ifs” Zhu Zongzhen (61)
A New Perspective on the Origin of the Chinese Communist Movement: The History of the Establishment of the Chinese Communist Party by Ishikawa Yoshihiro Li Danyang, Liu Jianyi (65)
Summary of Studies on Modern Chinese History in 2005 Yu Heping (71)
Catalog of Studies in the Chinese Mainland on Modern Chinese History in 2005 (92)
责任编辑：国强 最后更新：2021-05-30 19:45:24
特别说明：抗日战争纪念网是一个记录和研究中国人民抗日战争历史的公益网站。本网注明稿件来源为其他媒体与网站的文/ 图等稿件均为转载稿，本网转载，并不意味着赞同其观点或证实其内容的真实性。本网转载出于非商业性的文化交流和科研之目的，如转载稿侵犯了您的版权，请告知本网及时撤除。以史实为镜鉴，揭侵略之罪恶；颂英烈之功勋，弘抗战之精神。我们要铭记抗战历史，弘扬抗战精神，坚定理想信念,为国家富强、民族复兴,实现伟大的中国梦作出新的贡献。感谢您对抗日战争纪念网的支持。
纠错电话：0731-85531328、19118928111(微信同号)
上一篇：《近代史研究》2006年第4期
下一篇：《近代史研究》2006年第6期
湘公网安备43010402000821号