《近代史研究》2007年第1期
2020-10-21 11:00:00   来源：中国社会科学院近代史研究所    点击：

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　　一、中文目录

　　理论探讨

　　一部没有“近代”的中国近代史——从“柯文三论”看“中国中心观”的内在逻辑及其困境

　　夏明方(1)

　　专题论文

　　新文化是如何“运动”起来的——以《新青年》为视点

　　王奇生(21)

　　“无情鸡”事件：国民革命后期劳资纠纷的实证考察 霍新宾(41)

　　兴泰行商欠案与鸦片战争前夕的行商体制 吴义雄(56)

　　北洋政府时期国内公债总额及其作用评析 潘国旗(76)

　　民国时期成都平原的押租与押扣 李德英(95)

　　问题讨论

　　康有为与公车上书——读《“公车上书”考证补》献疑(一)

　　房德邻 (116)

　　读史札记

　　抗战期间日华秘密谈判中的“姜豪工作”——近世名人未刊函电过眼录

　　杨天石(133)

　　道光朝大计官员处分人数考

　　陈一容(139)

　　学术综述

　　1980年代以来中国大陆蒋介石研究述评 黄道炫(146)

　　二、中文提要

　　一部没有“近代”的中国近代史 ——从“柯文三论”看“中国中心观”的内在逻辑及其困境　　夏明方(中国人民大学清史研究所教授)

　　[内容提要]1990年代以来，在大陆学术界占主导地位的中国近代史研究范式，开始遭到舶自美国汉学界之“中国中心观”潮流日益强劲的挑战和冲击。这一挑战，固然是对教条化的马克思主义历史观的进一步反动，极大地拓展和丰富了相关的研究领域和研究内容，但其最终结果既非唯物史观的复原，亦非真正中国气派和本土特色的新范式的确立，而是逐渐走上了另一种新教条主义的道路。这种局面，并不仅是中国学者对“中国中心观”教条式运用的产物，同时也是其理论体系的内在逻辑推演扩展的必然结果。本文力图从这一理论自身潜在的逻辑矛盾着手，对其进行批判性的解读，以期深化对中国近代史研究方法的讨论。

　　[关键词]革命范式|现代化范式|中国中心观|新教条主义

　　新文化是如何“运动”起来的——以《新青年》为视点　　王奇生(四川师范大学特聘教授)

　　[内容提要]《新青年》从一“普通刊物”发展成为全国新文化的一块“金字招牌”，“新文化”由涓涓细流汇成洪波巨浪，都经历了一个相当的“运动”过程。 “新文化运动”以五四为开端，是当时人较为普遍的看法。细察《新青年》之立论，高悬“民主”“科学”两面大旗，意在震慑和封堵“非难”者。新文化人对“新文化”的内涵其实并未形成一致的看法。今人所推崇、所眷顾的一些思想主张，在当时未必形成了多大反响，而当时人十分关注的热点问题，却已淡出后来史家的视野。对于同一个《新青年》，办刊人的出发点，反对方的攻击点，与局外人的观察点既不尽一致;对于同一场“新文化运动”，新文化人的当下诠释与后来史家的言说叙事更有相当的出入。

　　[关键词]《新青年》|新文化运动|五四运动|陈独秀|文学革命

　　“无情鸡”事件：国民革命后期劳资纠纷的实证考察　　霍新宾(华南师范大学政治与行政学院副教授)

　　[内容提要]1927年初，因曲江商会一纸电函而引发解雇工人的“无情鸡”问题，由于工会、商会、国共两党等诸多势力的介入，最终演绎为一场持续50余日的劳资冲突。这一事件不仅集中反映了国民革命后期广州工商两界在利益冲突中迥异的心态及行为，而且，也体现了国共两党对待劳资问题政策的差别，折射出以“阶级协调”标榜的国民党政权在社会整合中为抉择在劳资之间的“公正”立场而面临的两难境遇。从阶级斗争与“工商合行”两种理念交锋而导致以劳资合作来应对此次纠纷的事实中，亦可知中共对工人政治与阶级动员能力是有限的。

　　[关键词]“无情鸡”事件|国民革命|国共两党|劳资政策

　　兴泰行商欠案与鸦片战争前夕的行商体制　　吴义雄(中山大学历史系、历史人类学研究中心教授)

　　[内容提要]1837年，在广州经营着数额庞大的对外贸易的兴泰行破产，欠下外商债务共240余万元。兴泰行债主(主要为英国散商)向两广总督邓廷桢提出申诉。邓廷桢命行商首领会同英人清理债务，并在长时间的争执后确定了赔偿方案。1842年《南京条约》所规定的中国对英赔款中，即包含了部分兴泰行债务。兴泰行商欠案的发生，除了其自身的一些原因外，主要是由1830年代中西贸易关系的变化和行商贸易体制自身的弊端所导致。1834年东印度公司对华贸易的结束，使兴泰行这样的小行商失去了一层保护，而东印度公司在此后对广州贸易施加的影响，则恶化了行商的经济处境。兴泰行和其他行商在作为当时进出口贸易之大宗的茶叶贸易和棉花贸易中，由于种种不利因素，也难以取得利润，反而遭受重大损失。在兴泰行商欠案解决过程中复活的行商连带赔偿责任制度，使广州贸易体制陷入进一步危机。

　　[关键词]兴泰行|商欠|东印度公司|广州贸易|连带责任制度

　　北洋政府时期国内公债总额及其作用评析　　潘国旗(杭州师范学院教授)

　　[内容提要]根据“内债”这一概念的科学界定，北洋政府所发内债总额应为992725449.868元。以往学术界在对北洋政府内债政策的考察和评述中，偏重于揭露其封建性、殖民地性和破坏性等消极作用，而对近代中国内债的两重性分析显得极其缺乏。事实上，北洋时期所发行的内债还是有一定的积极效果的：首先，北洋时期大量国内公债的发行，进一步突破了中国古代惯用的捐输、报效等封建落后的筹款方式，而采用借债的方式应付政府的紧急财政需要，这在财政手段和财政观念上都具有进步意义。其次，从内债的用途上讲，北洋政府所发行公债总额中的1.96亿银元(约占总债额的20%)用之于交通事业建设、教育事业和水利、赈灾等，在一定程度上促进了中国经济的近代化。再次，北洋政府所发公债加速了银行资本的原始积累，促进了中国近代银行业的迅速发展，再由银行资本投资工业资本，促进了中国经济的发展。

　　[关键词]北洋政府、财政危机、国内公债、债额、银行业

　　民国时期成都平原的押租与押扣——兼与刘克祥先生商榷　　李德英(四川大学历史文化学院教授)

　　[内容提要]成都平原是租佃制度发达的地区，押租制度在此地十分流行，不仅对该区域的农村经济产生了重要的影响，而且其自身的一些特点，也值得深入研究和探讨。通过对一些县级档案资料和土改档案资料的分析研究，可以看到近代成都平原的押租与押扣，并非如有关学者所说的仅仅是加强剥削的手段，它们有着更广泛的内涵，是该地区自然生态和社会生态环境的产物。缴纳押租，佃农不仅获得了土地的佃种权，而且通过押扣的方式使自己交出去的押租金获得了一定的利息。从制度上看，租佃双方的经济关系比清代以前更趋平等。

　　[关键词]近代|成都平原|押租|押扣

　　康有为与公车上书——读《“公车上书”考证补》献疑　　房德邻(北京大学历史系教授)

　　[内容提要]茅海建先生的《“公车上书”考证补》认为公车上书是由翁同龢等政治高层发动和文廷式等京官策动、组织的，而康有为、梁启超为参加者。本文对此深为怀疑，因为茅先生的立论多以周边史料为支撑，仅为推测;对于一些史料发生误读，所得结论难以成立;某些分析违背逻辑一致性原则，其结论有预设之嫌疑;在论证《康南海自编年谱》“说谎话”时，未对反证材料一一辨析，其结论有片面性。本文认为公车上书不是由政治高层和京官发动、策动、组织的，而是由举人自发进行的，其中康有为起了重要作用，他是领袖。

　　[关键词]公车上书、康有为、马关条约、翁同龢、文廷式

　　抗战期间日华秘密谈判中的“姜豪工作”——近世名人未刊函电过眼录　　杨天石(中国社会科学院近代史研究所研究员)

　　[内容提要]抗战期间，日本侵略者自知仅凭武 力不足以征服中国，曾通过多条渠道诱使国民政府进行和谈，姜豪工作即是其中之一。有关情况，姜豪本人曾经写过一本《“和谈密使”回想录》。但是，事隔多年，记忆难免讹误。更重要的是，当事人往往只知其一，不知其二，这就决定了历史学家在回忆录之外，还必须广泛收集相关档案资料，相互参证，才有可能比较准确地了解事情的本来面目。

　　[关键词]姜豪工作

　　道光朝大计官员处分人数考　　 陈一容

　　1980年代以来中国大陆蒋介石研究述评　　黄道炫

　　三、英文目录提要

　　Modern Chinese History Studies No. 1, 2007

　　A Modern Chinese History without “Modern”: Using Paul A. Cohen’s “Three Theories” to Look at the Inner Logic of the “China Centered Approach” and its Predicament Xia Mingfang (1)

　　Since the 1990s, the leading paradigm for studying modern Chinese history in Chinese mainland academic circles has met with a strong challenge and attack from the “China Centered Approach” imported from American sinological circles. This challenge is no doubt a further reaction to dogmatic Marxist views of history, and has greatly enlarged and enriched related research fields and topics. However, its final result has been neither the restoration of historical materialism, nor the establishment of a new paradigm that truly is a Chinese approach with native characteristics. Instead, it has led down a new dogmatic road. This situation is not simply a result of Chinese scholars dogmatically applying the “China Centered Approach”, it is also an inevitable result of the development of this theoretical system’s inner logic. Starting from its own latent logical contradictions, this article tries to give a critical reading of the “Approach”, in hopes of deepening the discussion of research methods in modern Chinese history.

　　How did New Culture Begin to “Move”: Centering on New Youth

　　Wang Qisheng (21)

　　As New Youth went from being an ordinary magazine to become the “glittering marquee” of new culture all over the country, and as “New Culture” grew from a trickle into a great tide, each of them underwent a considerable “movement” process. The popular view of the time was that “New Culture Movement” took the May Fourth Movement as its starting point. However, if we analyze the arguments put forward in New Youth, we can find that its aim in raising the flags of “democracy” and “science” was to intimidate and block “attackers”. No consistent view of the meaning of “New Culture” formed among New Culture intellectuals. Ideas and proposals that modern people admire or care about did not necessarily evoke a strong response at the time. The hot issues which people paid close attention to at the time have faded out of the field of vision of later historians. Though addressing the same New Youth magazine, what the editors aimed to do, what opponents attacked and what outsiders observed were not all the same. Faced with the same “New Culture Movement”, the explanations of New Culture intellectuals are also different from the narratives of later historians.

　　The “Pink Slip” Incident: A Probe into Disputes between Labor and Management in the Late Period of the Nationalist Revolution Huo Xinbin (41)

　　In early 1927, the “Pink Slip” issue—firing laborers without any reason—was brought to a boil by a telegram from the Qujiang Chamber of Commerce. Because of the intervention of various powers such as labor unions, chambers of commerce, the Guomindang and the Chinese Communist Party, this issue finally developed into a conflict between labor and management lasting more than fifty days. This incident was not only the concentrated expression of the differences in mentality and action between labor and capital in Guangzhou during the late period of the Nationalist revolution; it was also a manifestation of the differences between Guomindang and CCP policies toward issues of labor and management, revealing the dilemma faced by the Guomindang government—proudly waving the banner of “class harmony”—in trying to choose a “just” position between labor and capital in the midst of social reorganization. From the fact that this confrontation between class struggle theory and the doctrine of “worker-merchant coordination” was resolved through cooperation between labor and capital, we can also conclude that the CCP’s ability to undertake worker politics and class mobilization was limited.

　　The Hingtae Hong Debt Case and the Canton Hong System on the Eve of the Opium War Wu Yixiong (56)

　　In 1837, Hingtae Hong, which undertook a large amount of foreign trade, went bankrupt with debts to foreign businesses of more than 2.4 million Spanish dollars. Its creditors (mainly British private merchants) presented petitions to Deng Tingzhen, the governor-general of Guangdong and Guangxi provinces. Deng ordered the leaders of the Hong merchants to clear the account with the British, and after a protracted dispute they settled on a scheme for paying off the debts. The indemnity to Great Britain fixed by the Nanjing Treaty included a part of the Hingtae Hong’s debt. Aside from its own internal factors, the Hingtae Hong debt case was mainly caused by the change in Sino-Western commercial relations and the maladies of the Canton Hong commercial system in the 1830s. When the East Indian Company stopped trading with China in 1834, small Hong merchants such as Hingtae Hong lost a layer of protection, and the influence that the Company continued to exert on the Canton trade thereafter worsened economic conditions for the Hong merchants. Because of various unfavorable conditions, Hingtae Hong and other Hongs could not make a profit in their staple trades in tea and cotton, but rather suffered heavy losses. The mutual-debt-compensation system of the Hong merchants revived in the settlement of the Hingtae Hong debt case plunged the Canton trade system into a deeper crisis.

　　An Analysis of Domestic Debts and Their Role during the Beiyang Government Period Pan Guoqi (76)

　　According to the scientific definition of “internal debt”, the total amount of internal debt issued by the Beiyang government was 992,725,449.868 yuan. Past studies on internal debt policies have emphasized on exposing their feudalist, colonialist and destructive roles, lacking analysis of the duality of government bonds in modern China. In fact, the government bonds issued by the Beiyang government had some positive effects. Firstly, the issue of large amounts of government bonds during the period helped to break down the feudal and backward means of fund collection customary in ancient China, such as donations and contributions. Instead, the government relied on bonds to meet the emerging financial needs. This was a step forward in both financial methods and financial concepts. Secondly, addressing the use of the bonds, the government spent 196 million yuan (approximately 20% of all the bonds) on transportation construction, education, irrigation and disaster relief, promoting China’s economic modernization to some extent. Thirdly, the bonds issued by the Beiyang government sped up the banks’ primitive accumulation of capital, promoting the rapid development of banks, which in turn invested in industry, promoting the development of China’s economy.

　　Rent Deposits and Rent Discounts on the Chengdu Plain in Republican China: Also a Discussion with Liu KexiangLi Deying (95)

　　Kang Youwei and the Joint Petition: Questions for “A Supplement to Evidentiary Studies of the 1895 ‘Joint Petition of Imperial Examination Candidates to the Emperor’” Written by Mao Haijian Fang Delin (116)

　　The “Jiang Hao Project” in the Secret Negotiations between Japan and China in the Resistance War against Japan: Reading Unpublished Letters and Telegrams of Famous Figures in Modern China Yang Tianshi (133)

　　An Examination of the Number of Officials Punished in the Daoguang Reign

　　Chen Yirong (139)

　　Summary of Studies on Chiang Kai-shek in the Chinese Mainland since the 1980s

　　Huang Daoxuan (146)

责任编辑：国强 最后更新：2021-05-30 19:47:14

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