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Secretary of Japan. That year, Japan changed 15 August from ‘Memorial Day for the end of the war’ to ‘Day for mourning war dead and praying for
               peace’.
                  Between 2001 and 2006, Prime Minister Jinichiro Koizumi visited Yasukuni Shrine six years consecutively, while current Prime Minister Shinzō Abe
               visited in 2013. Both China and South Korea expressed their disappointment and anger toward the visits of Yasukuni Shrine by Japanese officials, but their
               protests failed to affect the attitude of Japanese government and the officials.
                  Yasukuni Shrine, a religious site before the war, is now a national symbol of Japanese militarism whose supporters encourage worship of the emperor
               system  of  Japan  and  devote  themselves  to  serve  Japan’s  national  needs,  including  war.  Even  though  the  shrine  has  become  an  independent  religious
               corporation in post-war Japan, it still serves as a spiritual representation of former Japanese militarism.
                  Why does Yasukuni Shrine matter to China and Korea? On 4 November 2015, I visited Yasukuni Shrine and its Yūshūkan (遊就館),  a  Japanese
               military and war museum, and viewed the exhibition ‘70th Year After the Great East Asia War’. I saw only glorified descriptions of the Great East Asia
               War and the loyalty of Japanese soldiers to the Emperor of Japan. Nowhere did the exhibit mention ‘invasion’, ‘regret’, or ‘aggression’. The museum is a
               place that ‘promotes aggressive war and extension of Japan’. Yasukuni Shrine notes the death of more than 2,460,000 soldiers of Japan, including those
               involved in aggressive wars by Japan during the Second World War, such as Hideki Tojo, Iwane Matsui, and twelve other class-A war criminals as well as
               more than 2,000 class-B and class-C criminals. All these dead officials are described as ‘inventors’ to China and Korea, including the fourteen class-A war
               criminals sentenced to death or imprisonment at the Tokyo Trial in 1946–1948. They are now honoured in Yasukuni Shrine, and publicly worshiped by
               Japanese citizens, the premier, and members of the cabinet.
                  When I visited Yasukini Shrine, I thought of Israel’s Mossad, which sent agents to South America to apprehend remaining Nazis. They arrested and
               kidnaped them, and used Israel’s official planes to send them to Israel in secret. Their goal was to see Nazis stand trial and receive punishment for their
               deeds in the Second World War. How will remaining Nazi members and later generations regard the actions of Mossad? For Israelis and Jews, the Second
               World War is continuing until justice is served. The Germans chose to accept history with the Warschauer Kniefall. Why would Shinzō Abe visit Yasukuni
               Shrine without fear or shame? What is the meaning of today’s geopolitics, with its historical amnesia and willingness to compromise with distortions, for
               the victimised countries by Imperial Japan such as Korea, China, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Malaysia, the Philippines, Indonesia, Singapore, Vietnam,
               Myanmar, the United States, and other nations and their citizens?
                  I  am  not  pessimistic  towards  the  future,  however.  There  are  numerous  lawsuits  within  and  outside  Japan  against  the  Japanese  government  and
               corporations for the war crimes committed by Imperial Japan during the Second World War. They demand the Japanese government and corporations for
               apology and atonement for the war crimes with regard to the Nanjing Massacre, Military Sexual Slavery (‘Comfort Women’) System, Forced Labour
               System, Inhumane Treatment of POWs, or Biochemical Warfare represented by Unit 731. Some of the cases have ended in favour of the plaintiffs in the
               courts of law. Meanwhile, the Japanese parents have organised the nationwide society, Kotomo to Kyokasho Zenkoku Netto 21 (Nationwide Network for
               Children and Textbooks in the 21st Century), to serve as a watchdog to stop textbook revision by the Japanese government. I understand that even Japanese
               parents living outside Japan have joined the society and subscribed to its newsletter.
                  I am particularly encouraged in my work in the last few years, thanks to the help and guidance from Professor Yue-him Tam, the academic advisor to
               our International Center for the Study of Unit 731 and the Museum of War Crimes by Unit 731 of the Imperial Japanese Army in Harbin. A senior historian
               of Japanese history and Sino-Japanese relations, Professor Tam has been conducting research and teaching a course at his college for years, focusing on the
               major  war  crimes  and  atrocities  committed  by  Imperial  Japan,  including  the  biochemical  warfare  and  Unit  731.  I  consulted  him  whenever  I  ran  into
               problems in my research for this book. He was indispensable to facilitate our field work at the US National Archives and Records Administration and the
               Library of Congress in Washington, DC. He is indeed the author of the English version of this book with his insights that are absent in the Chinese version.
               I felt honoured and gratified when Professor Tam accepted my invitation to work on this book as co-author, for our research and messages could now reach
               the minds and hearts in the wider world.
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