Page 62 - 《近代史研究》2021第六期

Modern Chinese History Studies

No. 6đ2021

Ｒevisiting Chen Duxiu's Arrest in Shanghai in 1921 …………………………… Hou Qingbin̵ 4̶
WarđArtificial Topographical Transformation and Social Mobilization͇ Examining the Trench
Digging Movement at the Anti-Japanese Base Area in the North China Plain
…………………………………………………………………………………… Cheng Sen̵ 16̶
The Anti-Japanese base area in the North China Plain was of the critical factors that had facilitated the CPC's
emergence after the War of Ｒesistance was over． As a matter of factđhoweverđthe topography in the North China Plain was
suitable for the operations of the modernized Japanese army while posed difficulties for the Chinese military and the Chinese
people to defend against attacks from the enemy． After founding the Anti-Japanese base in the North China Plainđthe CPC
spared no effort to modify the local physiognomyđthe largest and longest being the Trench Digging Movement． As an
artificial way to transform topography under the circumstance of the warđtrench digging first emerged in central Hebei and
gradually spread to other plain areas like Southern Hebeiđthe triangle of HebeiđShandong and HenanđEastern Hebeiđthe
border area between Hebei and ShandongđShandongđNorth Huai Ｒiver Plain and North Jiangsu． Trench digging had to
follow certain standards and meet the requirements for internal structure at the time． Trenches were expected to fulfill a
variety of functions． On the one handđthey could hold back the advancement of the Japanese troops and paralyze their
transportation． On the other handđtrenches could help the Chinese troops hide outđattack the enemyđtransport materials
and retreat． With its incredible organizational capabilityđthe CPC succeeded in digging and maintaining the trenches at the
Anti-Japanese bases during the War of Ｒesistance． The network of trenches became the geographic bulwark for the Chinese
troops and the Chinese people to wage the protracted war against Japanese aggression．

Self-Salvation of and Conflicts͇ Collective Defense Efforts by the Gentry and Business Groups of
Hangzhou during the 1911 Ｒevolution
……………………………………………………………………………………… Cui Min̵ 31̶
After the outbreak of the Wuchang Ｒevoltđthe gentry and business groups of Hangzhou wasted no time to organize
collective defense among themselves． During the two weeks between October 22 and November 4đ1911đhoweverđrelations
between the both groups experienced a shift from cooperation to drift-apart and finally to conflicts． At firstđboth groups
were eager to restore the order in Hangzhou and decided to organize collective defense together since neither group had the
sufficient financial and human resources to organize defense on their own． Howeverđboth sides soon drifted apart due to
their intense conflicts on the ways of collecting fees and organizing the collective defense． The tendency of gentries and
intellectuals to“curry favor from the government”further compelled the business elites to organize independent defenseđa
move that essentially precluded any possibility of resumed cooperation with the gentry group． With the increasing
disorderliness in Hangzhouđboth the gentry group and the business elitesđwho had independently organized their own
defense respectivelyđhad the feeling that a revolution was imminent． Political forces like the Consultative Bureauđthe
Commerce Federationđthe Ｒevolutionary Party and the government all attempted to direct the development of group defense
in Hangzhou to their own advantage． The group defense organized respectively by the gentry group and the business elites
collapsed during the revolution on November 4đafter the revolutionary mobilization both with and without the two groups．
The efforts of both groups to organize group defense revealed that the social mobilization related to organizing group defense
was of both old and new features．
Favoring Personal FameđPreferring Being Differentđand Deviating from the Golden Mean͇
Wenti and the Turbulent Politics in Late Qing ………………………… Zhang Hairong̵ 45̶
Born into a declining Manchu familyđWenti went through the rule of five emperors and witnessed the disintegration of
the Qing Dynasty under the situation of internal disorder and foreign invasions． He first made a name for himself by insisting
the impeachment of Kang Youwei as a royal remonstrator． He criticized Kang for his intention“to save China rather than
the Qing government”đproviding the ammunition for the conservativesđboth Manchu and Hanđto oppose Kang and his
camp． His allegation of the“crimes”committed by Kang Youwei and his camp became the testimony that contributed to the
imprisonment of Kang's followers． After the 1898 coupđWenti was appointed as the Governor of Henan and deeply involved
in preparing the plan of building the second capital in the city of Luoyang． After the Boxer Ｒebellionđhe mobilized senior
local officials to have an audience with the royal court which escaped from Beijingđbut to no avail． The royal court made a
stop in Luoyang on its way back to Beijingđproviding Wenti a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to curry favor with the Empress
Dowager and her loyal men． Wenti's unscrupulous tactics caused an uproar both within the government and across the
society． But he did not get the promotion he desperately expected． As a veteran officialđWenti worked for the Qing
government for 45 years and ended his official career at a position in East Guizhou． He became a loyal defender of the
Manchu interests and even threatened to commit suicide on a number of occasions to force the royal court to take his advice．
Wenti's perceptions and responses to the turbulent politics in late Qing shed important light both on the political orientation
of the middle-and-lower rank Manchu officials and the deep divides between the Manchu and the Hanđtherefore enriching
our understanding on that part of history in modern China．
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